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Scottish independence (Scots: Scots unthirldom,[1] Scottish Gaelic: Neo-eisimeileachd na h-Alba) is a political ambition of political parties, advocacy groups and individuals for Scotland to dissolve the United Kingdom and become an independent sovereign state, separate from England, Wales and Northern Ireland.
Supporters of Scottish independence claim that Scotland's inability fully to control its own affairs, both nationally and internationally, is detrimental to Scottish interests. They argue that, as the British government acts primarily in the interest of the entire United Kingdom (of which England is by far the most populated part), it is to the detriment of Scottish interests to remain in the United Kingdom. Those who oppose Scottish independence and endorse the continuation of a form of union believe being part of the United Kingdom to be in the Scottish national interest, and argue that there are benefits enjoyed by Scotland as part of a great power, which do not compromise its distinctive national identity.
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The Visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 and the subsequent rise in tartanry did much to reinvigorate a sense of a specifically Scottish national identity, which had been split between the Episcopalian and Roman Catholic-dominated Highlands and the Presbyterian-dominated Lowlands since the Glorious Revolution in 1688, and continued during the 18th century through the Jacobite risings, the Act of Proscription and subsequent process of Highland Clearances by landlords.
From the mid-19th century, calls for the devolution of control over Scottish affairs began to be raised, but support for full independence remained limited. The "home rule" movement for a Scottish Assembly was first taken up in 1853 by a body close to the Conservative Party, complaining about the fact that Ireland received more support from the British Government than Scotland and soon began to receive Liberal Party backing,[2] In 1885, the Post of Secretary for Scotland and the Scottish Office were re-established to promote Scotland's interests and voice its grievances to the British Parliament. In 1886, however, William Ewart Gladstone introduced the Irish Home Rule Bill. When many Scots compared what they had to the Irish offer of Home Rule, this was considered inadequate. It was not an immediate constitutional priority however, especially after the Irish Home Rule Bill was defeated in the House of Commons, and by the time a Scottish home rule bill was first presented to parliament in 1913, its progress, along with that of the Irish Home Rule Act 1914, was interrupted by World War I and subsequently became overshadowed by the Easter Rising and Irish War of Independence, although the Scottish Office was relocated to St. Andrew's House in Edinburgh during the 1930s.[2][3]
The Scottish National Party itself was formed in 1934 after the union of the National Party of Scotland and the Scottish Party. The SNP did not support all-out independence for Scotland, but rather the establishment of a devolved Scottish Assembly, within the United Kingdom. This became the party's initial position on the constitutional status of Scotland as a result of a compromise between the NPS, who did support independence, and the Scottish Party who were devolutionists. However, the SNP quickly reverted to the original NPS stance of supporting full independence for Scotland. The interwar period proved difficult years for the SNP, with the rise of undemocratic nationalist forces in Europe in the shape of fascism in Italy and Spain and national socialism in Germany. The alleged similarity between SNP and foreign nationalists, combined with other factors such as a lack of profile in mainstream media, made it difficult for the SNP to grow.[4]
The concept of full independence, or less controversial home rule, did not re-enter the Scottish mainstream until the 1960s, with the famous Wind of Change speech by Harold Macmillan, which marked the high point of decolonisation and the decline of the British Empire, which had already suffered the humiliation of the 1956 Suez Crisis. For many in Scotland, this served to undermine one of the principal raisons d'être of the United Kingdom and also symbolised the end of popular imperialism and imperial unity which had united the prominent Scottish Unionist Party, which subsequently entered a steady decline in support.[5][6] The SNP won a Parliamentary seat in 1967, when Winnie Ewing was the surprise winner of the Hamilton by-election, 1967. This brought the SNP to national prominence, leading to Edward Heath's 1968 Declaration of Perth and the establishment of the Kilbrandon Commission.[7]
The discovery of North Sea oil off the east coast of Scotland further invigorated the debate over Scottish independence.[8] The Scottish National Party organised a hugely successful campaign entitled "It's Scotland's oil", emphasising the way in which the discovery of oil could benefit Scotland's then-struggling deindustrialising economy and its populace.[9] In the February 1974 general election seven SNP MPs were returned. The failure of the Labour Party to secure an overall majority prompted them to quickly return to the polls. In the subsequent October 1974 election, the SNP performed even better than they had done earlier in the year, winning 11 MPs and managing to garner over 30% of the total vote in Scotland.[10]
In 1974, the Conservative government commissioned the McCrone report, written by professor Gavin McCrone, a leading government economist, to report on the viability of an independent Scotland. He concluded that oil would have given an independent Scotland one of the strongest currencies in Europe. The report went on to say that officials advised government ministers on how to take "the wind out of the SNP sails". Handed over to the incoming Labour administration and classified as secret because of Labour fears over the surge in Scottish National Party popularity, the document came to light only in 2005, when the SNP obtained the report under the Freedom of Information Act 2000.[11][12]
The Labour Party under Harold Wilson had won the election by a tiny majority of only three seats. Following their election to parliament, the SNP's MPs pressed for the creation of a Scottish Assembly, which was given added credibility after the conclusions of the Kilbrandon Commission. However, opponents demanded that a referendum be held on the issue. Although the Labour Party and the Scottish National Party both officially supported devolution, support was split in both parties. Labour was divided between those who favoured devolution and those who wanted to maintain a full central Westminster government. In the SNP, there was division between those who saw devolution as a stepping stone to independence and those who feared it might actually distract from that ultimate goal.[8]
The resignation of Harold Wilson brought James Callaghan to power, however his small majority was eroded with several by-election losses and the government became increasingly unpopular during the Winter of Discontent, although an arrangement was negotiated in 1977 with the Liberals known as the Lib-Lab pact and a succession of deals with the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru to hold referendums on devolution in exchange for their support, had helped to prolong the government's life.
The result of the referendum in Scotland was a narrow majority in favour of devolution (52% to 48%).[8] However, a condition of the referendum was that 40% of the total electorate should vote in favour in order to make it valid. Thus, with a turnout of 63.6%, only 32.9% had voted "Yes". The Scotland Act 1978 was consequently repealed in March 1979 by a vote of 301-206 in parliament. In the wake of the referendum the supporters of the bill conducted a protest campaign under the slogan "Scotland said yes". They argued that the 40% rule was undemocratic and that the referendum results justified the establishment of the assembly. However, campaigners for a "No" vote countered that voters had been told before the referendum that failing to vote itself was as good as a "No".[13] It was therefore incorrect to conclude that the 36.4% who did not vote, was entirely down to voter apathy.
In protest, the Scottish National Party MPs withdrew their support from the government. A motion of no confidence was then tabled by the Conservatives and supported by the SNP, the Liberals and Ulster Unionists. It passed by one vote on 28 March 1979, forcing the May 1979 general election, which was won by Margaret Thatcher, effectively ending the Post-war consensus. The Labour Prime Minister, James Callaghan, famously described this decision by the SNP as that of 'turkeys voting for Christmas'.[14][15] The SNP returned only two MPs in the 1979 election, leading to the formation of the controversial 79 Group within the SNP.
Supporters of Scottish independence continued to hold mixed views on the Home Rule movement which included many supporters of union who wanted devolution within the framework of the United Kingdom. Some saw it as a stepping stone to independence, while others wanted to go straight for independence.[16]
In the years of the Conservative government after 1979, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was established, eventually publishing the Claim of Right 1989. This then led to the Scottish Constitutional Convention. The convention promoted consensus on devolution on a cross-party basis, though the Conservative Party refused to co-operate and the Scottish National Party withdrew from the discussions when it became clear that the convention was unwilling to discuss Scottish independence as a constitutional option.[8] Arguments against devolution and the Scottish Parliament, levelled mainly by the Conservative Party, were that the Parliament would create a "slippery slope" to Scottish independence and provide the pro-independence Scottish National Party with a route to government.[17] John Major, the Conservative prime minister before May 1997, campaigned during the 1997 general election on the slogan "72 hours to save the union".[18]
The Labour Party won the 1997 general election and Donald Dewar as Secretary of State for Scotland agreed to the proposals for a Scottish Parliament. A referendum was held in September of that year and 74.3% of those who voted approved the devolution plan (44.87% of the electorate).[19] The Parliament of the United Kingdom subsequently approved the Scotland Act 1998 which created an elected Scottish Parliament with control over most domestic policy.[8] In May 1999, Scotland held its first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held session for the first time since the previous parliament had been adjourned in 1707.
The Scottish Parliament is a unicameral legislature comprising 129 Members, 73 of whom represent individual constituencies and are elected on a first past the post system; 56 are elected in eight different electoral regions by the additional member system, serving for a four year period. The Queen appoints one Member of the Scottish Parliament, on the nomination of the Parliament, to be First Minister with the convention being that the leader of the party with the largest number of seats is appointed First Minister although any member which can command the confidence of the chamber could conceivably be appointed First Minister. All other Ministers are appointed and dismissed by the First Minister and together they make up the Scottish Government, the executive arm of government.[20]
The Labour Party's Donald Dewar became the First Minister of Scotland, while the Scottish National Party became the main opposition party. With the approval of all parties, the egalitarian song "A Man's A Man for A' That", by Robert Burns, was performed at the opening ceremony of the Scottish Parliament.
The Scottish Parliament has legislative authority for all non-reserved matters relating to Scotland, and has a limited power to vary income tax, nicknamed the Tartan Tax, a power it has yet to exercise. The Scottish Parliament can refer devolved matters back to Westminster to be considered as part of United Kingdom-wide legislation by passing a Legislative Consent Motion if United Kingdom-wide legislation is considered to be more appropriate for certain issues. The programmes of legislation enacted by the Scottish Parliament since 1999 have seen a divergence in the provision of public services compared to the rest of the United Kingdom. For instance, the costs of a university education, and care services for the elderly are free at point of use in Scotland, while fees are paid in the rest of the UK. Scotland was the first country in the UK to ban smoking in enclosed public places.[21]
Scotland is also represented in the British House of Commons by 59 MPs elected from territory-based Scottish constituencies.
In the 2007 Scottish parliament election the Scottish National Party became the single largest party by a margin of one seat.[22] Lacking an overall majority, the Scottish National Party formed a minority government, installing leader Alex Salmond as First Minister of Scotland.
The Scottish National Party went on to win the 2011 Scottish General Election with an overall majority of 69 out of 129 seats in the Scottish Parliament and around 45% of all votes cast; enough to hold a referendum on independence from the United Kingdom.[23]
The SNP had a manifesto commitment of holding an independence referendum by 2010.[24][25] After winning the 2007 election, the SNP-controlled Scottish Government published a White Paper entitled Choosing Scotland's Future, which outlines options for the future of Scotland, including independence.[26][27] However, in September 2010, the Scottish Government announced that no referendum would occur before the 2011 elections.[28]
At the time, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Conservatives and Scottish Liberal Democrats opposed a referendum offering independence as an option. The former Prime Minister Gordon Brown has also publicly attacked the independence option.[29] Based on a subsequent debate in the Scottish Parliament,[30] the three main parties opposed to independence formed the Calman Commission.[31][32] This will review devolution and consider all constitutional options bar independence.[33]
However, Wendy Alexander had been seen as straying from the established anti-referendum position held by Labour while she was the leader of the Scottish Labour group of MSPs. In May 2008, she called for an independence referendum within 12 months, saying the SNP should have the "courage of its convictions".[34] In a subsequent Prime Minister's Questions time, Gordon Brown denied that Alexander's statement was intended to contradict party policy.[35] Alexander's words also caused concern amongst the other founders of the Calman Commission.[36] In response to Alexander, SNP First Minister Alex Salmond told the Scottish Parliament that he would be sticking to the SNP manifesto commitment of a 2010 referendum.[37] Alexander's resignation as leader of the Labour MSPs (as a result of a controversy over illegal donations[38]) ultimately saw Labour's position reversed again, and her successor Iain Gray reverted to Labour's previous policy of opposing any referendum.[39]
Tavish Scott, the former leader of the Scottish Liberal Democrats, suggested after being elected to the position in 2008 that he might consider backing a multi-option referendum with independence as one choice.[40]
In August 2009, the SNP announced that the Referendum (Scotland) Bill, 2010 would be part of its third legislative programme for 2009-10, which would detail the question and conduct of a possible referendum on the issue of independence. The Bill was to be published on 25 January 2010, Burns Night, with the referendum proposed for on or around 30 November 2010, St. Andrew's Day. The Bill was not, however, expected to be passed, because of the SNP's status as a minority government, and the opposition of all the major parties in the Parliament.[41][42]
Following the Scottish National Party's victory in the 2011 Holyrood election,[43] which gave the party an overall majority in the Scottish parliament, First Minister Alex Salmond stated his desire to hold a referendum "in the second half of the parliament" which would place it in 2014 or 2015.[44] However, on November 10, David Cameron considered plans for a UK-led referendum "to prevent the Scottish Nationalists from setting the terms, question and timing to suit themselves".[45]
A referendum for Scottish independence or a bill of the Scottish Parliament seeking to change the constitutional status of Scotland would not, under the British constitution, be legally binding on the UK government, because, in the UK, referendums are advisory only. The British parliament claims absolute parliamentary sovereignty[46][47], but this is disputed by those who contend that the Scottish people, rather than the Scottish Parliament, are the legal sovereign authority in Scotland, a status explicitly proclaimed in the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath and reasserted by the all-party Claim of Right 1989. This position was legally supported by the Lord President of the Court of Session, Lord Cooper of Cardross, in the case of McCormick v The Lord Advocate (1953), in which Lord Cooper confirmed that "the principle of the unlimited sovereignty of (the Westminster) Parliament is a distinctively English principle which has no counterpart in Scottish Constitutional Law."[48] The United Nations Charter also enshrines the right of peoples to self-determination while the Universal Declaration of Human Rights also guarantees their right to change nationality, and the UK is a signatory to both documents with the UK Parliament having no power to unilaterally revoke them.
Any changes to constitutional status are one of the reserved matters for Westminster under the Scotland Act 1998[49][50][51]. At any time Westminster could amend the Scotland Act, changing the powers of the Scottish Parliament and allowing Westminster to legally block any bill for independence brought by the Scottish Government. Westminster has previously amended the Scotland Act to maintain the number of MSPs, which would otherwise have been reduced in line with the reduction of Scottish MPs in the 2005 UK general election. However, such powers with regard to a referendum on Scottish independence would be conditional on both the UK Parliament's absolute sovereignty being accepted, and it being deemed to take precedence over the rights guaranteed by the UN Charter and Declaration of Human Rights, issues which might be subject to dispute in the event of a vote for independence.
The legality of any British component country attaining de facto independence (in the same manner as the origins of the Irish Republic) or declaring unilateral independence outside the framework of British constitutional convention is uncertain. Some legal opinion following the precedent set by the Supreme Court of Canada's decision on what steps Quebec would need to take to secede (Reference re Secession of Quebec) is that Scotland would be unable to unilaterally declare independence under international law if the British government permitted a referendum on an unambiguous question on secession.[52][53] It is uncertain how the unilateral 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence and subsequent recognition by the UK and some EU member states has affected this legal position.[54][55] Former British Prime Ministers John Major and Margaret Thatcher have recognised a right of the Scottish people to determine their own future.[56]
The Scots National League formed in 1921 as a body primarily based in London seeking Scottish independence, largely influenced by Sinn Féin. They established the Scots Independent newspaper in 1926 and in 1928 they helped the Glasgow University Scottish Nationalist Association form the National Party of Scotland, aiming at a separate Scottish state. One of the founders was Hugh MacDiarmid, a poet who had begun promoting a Scottish literature, while others had Labour Party links.
It cooperated with the Scottish Party, a home rule organisation formed in 1932 by former members of the Conservative Party, and merged in 1934 to form the Scottish National Party, which at first supported only home rule but later changed to supporting independence. It suffered a setback in the 1930s when the name of nationalism became associated with the National Socialists in Germany, but Scottish nationalism is based more on civic nationalism than on ethnic or ultra-nationalism.[57] The SNP enjoyed a number of election successes in the 1960s, and the discovery of North Sea oil in the 1970s countered concerns about the economic viability of an independent Scotland.[9] The discovery of North Sea oil and the subsequent revenues that went to the United Kingdom treasury have been argued to have benefited Scotland little, with some estimates suggesting over £200 billion of revenue have been amassed thus far. There are also a number of other organisations with a primarily nationalist ideological orientation, from Siol nan Gaidheal, which seeks to revitalise the independence movement through primarily cultural means, to the militant Scottish National Liberation Army.
The independence movement is a disparate one that covers varied political standpoints. While many are republican, this is not Scottish National Party policy. The SNP styles itself as an inclusive institution, subordinating ideological tensions to the primary goal of securing independence, with Scotland becoming a Commonwealth realm, similar to Canada or Australia, if independence should occur. This would effectively return Scotland to its previous constitutional state of dynastic union, after the Union of the Crowns in 1603. Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom is not only the descendent of the Kings and Queens of England but also through the Kings and Queens of Scotland, before the two nations' union in 1707. The situation would become like between 1603 and 1707 where the countries were separate yet shared the same monarch. Proportional representation has led to the election to the Scottish Parliament of smaller parties with various political positions but which have independence as a goal; in the 2003 Scottish Parliament election the gains made by the Scottish Green Party and the Scottish Socialist Party boosted the number of pro-independence MSPs. The Scottish Socialist Party has led republican protests and authored the Declaration of Calton Hill, calling for an independent republic.[58]
A number of cross party groupings have been established with the aim of widening the scope of the pro-independence viewpoint and campaigning for a referendum on the issue. The most significant being the Independence Convention which seeks "Firstly, to create a forum for those of all political persuasions and none who support independence; and secondly, to be a national catalyst for Scottish independence."[59] Another being Independence First, a pro-referendum pressure group which has organised public demonstrations.
Scottish independence is supported most prominently by the Scottish National Party, but other parties also have pro-independence policies. Those who have had elected representatives in either the Scottish Parliament or local councils in recent years are the Scottish Green Party, the Scottish Socialist Party and Solidarity.
Seventy-two of the seats in the Scottish Parliament are now held by parties/members who have expressed pro-independence sentiments, over 55% of the total. These are the 69 Scottish National Party members, the two Green members and Margo MacDonald, an independent politician.[60][61]
There is also a mainstream body of opinion opposed to Scottish independence and in favour of the continuation of the union with England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, represented by the three main British political parties. Within the Scottish Parliament, the Union is supported by the Scottish Labour Party, Scottish Conservative Party and Scottish Liberal Democrats. Opposition to Scottish independence is also held by many individual figures such as George Galloway and smaller political parties such as the Scottish Unionist Party and the United Kingdom Independence Party. Unionism ranges from those who support a centralised unitary state governed exclusively by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, to those who support varying degrees of devolution to the Scottish Parliament, including federalism.
Opponents of independence argue that the economy of Scotland has performed well in recent years, with consistent economic growth, urban regeneration,[62] a growing population,[63] historically low unemployment rates,[64] Edinburgh's position as Europe's fifth largest financial centre[65] and Scottish GDP per capita being the largest of any part of the United Kingdom after Greater London and South East England.[66] Opponents of independence therefore believe Scotland is economically stronger as a part of the UK economy and that Scotland is better able to prosper in a globalised economy with the international influence and stability derived from being part of a larger state.[67] Opponents of independence have also contested claims by the SNP that Scotland currently underperforms economically, relative to other small countries in the region.[68]
David Maddox, writing for The Scotsman claims that Scotland's levels of public spending (higher in relation to the rest of the UK[67]) would be difficult to sustain after independence, without raising taxes, as North Sea oil revenues will decline in the longer-term.[69] Some wish to reduce public spending and devolve more fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in order to address this issue within the broader framework of the Union.[70][71][72]
Another argument in favour of a continued union is that as part of a unitary British state, Scotland has more influence on international affairs and diplomacy, both politically and militarily, as part of NATO, the G8 and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Opponents of further integration of the European Union claim that independence within Europe outside the EU three would, paradoxically, mean that Scotland would be more marginalised because, as a relatively small independent country applying to join the EU, Scotland would be unable to resist the whims and demands of larger member nations, such as being obliged to adopt the euro and have no greater influence over the formation of treaties like the Common Fisheries Policy.[73] However this is contested by some, as currently Scotland is considered a region within the UK, thus receiving 6 MEPs. While other countries with significantly smaller populations have similar representation; Luxembourg being an example with a population of around 500,000, receiving MEPs. Countries with a similar population to Scotland (e.g. Ireland, Denmark) have around 13 MEPs. Thus if independent then Scotland would have more MEPs, effectively doubling EU representation. In addition to this every individual EU country gains a member to the Council of Europe. Scotland, as part of the UK doesn't have a dedicated representative, while as an independent nation would have one.[74]
Bruce Anderson, writing for the Independent, claimed that a desire for independence is symptomatic of the so-called parochial "Scottish cringe" and assert that some nationalists are bigoted or Anglophobic chauvinists in their attitude towards England.[75] Many unionists emphasise the historical and contemporary cultural ties between Scotland and the rest of the UK, from the Reformation and Union of Crowns, to Scottish involvement in the growth and development of the British Empire and contribution of the Scottish Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution. Contemporary popular culture is also shared, primarily through the prevalence of the English language. Almost half of the Scottish population have relatives in England, almost a million Scoto-English live and work in England and 400,000 Anglo-Scots now live in Scotland.[76] There are also significant economic links with the Scottish military-industrial complex[77] as well as close links within the financial sector.[78]
Polls show a consistent support for a referendum, including amongst those who support the continuation of the union. Most opinion polls performed have a figure of in-principle support for a referendum around 70–75%.[79] In March 2009, The Sunday Times published the results of a YouGov survey on Scottish support for independence (mirroring the earlier 2007 poll). Support for a referendum in principle was found to have fallen to 57% of respondents, with 53% of respondents stating they would vote against independence and 33% stating they would support independence. The Times reported that the fall in support for independence was likely linked to economic recession.[80]
In August 2009, a YouGov survey with the Daily Mail asking if Scottish voters would support independence found that 28% would vote Yes, 57% would vote No, 11% did not know and 5% would not vote.[81]
Another YouGov Opinion poll in October 2010 showed 34% saying Yes, and 50% not in favour of independence, with the other 16% not sure how they would vote.
A December 2010 face-to-face poll by TNS-BMRB showed 40% supporting independence, 44% opposing, and 16% unsure.[82]
In June 2011, after the SNP majority election win, a poll by TNS-BMRB, with a 1,022 sample, showed independence support up 6% from 18 months previously, with 37% favouring independence in a potential referendum, with 45% against the proposal, and 18% not sure. The poll indicated 46% of people in Glasgow, and 51% of people under 24 supporting independence.[83]
In September 2011, according to a TNS-BMRB/Herald poll, support for independence overtook opposition to independence for the first time since 2008, with 39% of voters saying they would vote yes, 38% saying they would vote no and the remainder of 23% was undecided or refused to say. This poll was the first one out of a series of ten conducted which all showed support for independence greater than outright opposition and as such was celebrated by the SNP as a positive sign that they may be able to reach the 50% mark. [84]
An ICM poll in November 2006 found a high level of support in England and Scotland for Scottish independence.[85]
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